Paderewski's Steinway

Before honouring Paderewski in his humanitarian, philanthropic, political and diplomatic accomplishments, the heroic struggle by regular folks must be acknowledged. In resisting Germanisation or Russification they overcame the threat of imprisonment, deportation, loss of property, work restrictions, conscription and even death, to ensure the intergenerational transfer of culture over the decades when Poland had vanished from the maps of Europe. Also, the emigre elite kept the struggle for Polish liberty in the hearts and minds of people around the world.

People resisted the takeover of schools and universities; conscription into the armed forces of the various occupying nations to fight their wars as cannon fodder; attacks on the Catholic church and demanding the right to study in the Polish language; the simmering discontent occasionally boiled over, as it did in the November rising of 1830-31 and the January insurrection of 1863-64, and the revolt in 1905. Riots and demonstrations erupted at other times.

Wax Figure of Paderewski at the Kosciuszko Mound, Cracow, Poland/p] [px4]Paderewski's chair

Paderewski's Steinway

On none of these occasions was independence won and there was no international recognition of Poland as a sovereign State. International recognition of sovereignty is critical. History is replete with risings that at first appear successful, but without international recognition, unity eventually fractures, support disintegrates, chaos ensues and the rising is soon crushed.

The Kurds were involved in countless risings before, during and after World War I and they declared independence in 1927, but without international recognition they were soon crushed by the Turks. Kosovo, despite unilaterally declaring independence in February of 2008, is not yet sovereign and is still being administered by the UN.

In the War of Independence, American victory in the battle of Saratoga, on strong defensive ground selected and engineered by Kosciuszko, is judged as one of the most decisive battles in history, because it influenced the French government to recognise America as a sovereign nation. However, it was the political recognition of America by France and other countries of Europe that led the English to concede they had lost and at this point they began redirecting their forces to their colonies in the Indies to consolidate their rule there.

In the US civil war, the Confederate States of America had gained the initiative throughout 1862, winning battle after battle, and with just another victory or two they expected to be recognised as an independent nation by either England or France. However, after the South's victory at Antietam, Abraham Lincoln issued his preliminary emancipation proclamation, on September 22, 1862, and the fight was no longer about ‘preserving union' the war was now a fight over a moral cause - the liberation of slaves and the eradication of slavery. Since slavery had been abolished in England in 1833, and the abhorrence of it by the people made it impossible for either the English or French governments to recognise the Confederate States as sovereign. Many battles later, Robert E Lee surrendered his army to Ulysses S Grant at Appomattox, Virginia, on the 9th of April, 1865.

Military victories are insufficient, political recognition is obligatory before sovereignty is established and maps redrawn showing the new international reality. Considering this frame of reference when analysing how Poland came to be re-established in the Twentieth Century, Pilsudski is given way too much credit and instead the spotlight must shine on Paderewski.

What were the main obstacles to the rebirth of Poland at the end of World War I?

For Polish independence to be a significant item on the Peace Conference agenda, empathy with the Polish cause had to be fostered especially with the statesmen of the big powers, America, England and France, who were shaping the new world order. Empathy with the Polish cause had to be fostered amongst the folks of these nations, because the statesmen would only follow through if they were backed by public opinion at home. For more than a hundred years the occupying nations had been painting a false and negative picture of Polish culture and such perceptions had to be countered as a matter of urgency so an accurate picture of Polish people could be projected in the West.

This is the famous Carnegie Hall

St Patrick's Cathedral - Paderewski's funeral

Pitynski Crypt, Heart of Paderewski

Over decades of occupation, people had managed to keep their Polish soul, their language and their hopes for freedom and independence, but that is about all they were united on. Having been divided and ruled by the Germans, Russians and Austrians they had to a large extent become fragmented and compartmentalised. They had different experiences, lived under different laws, transport systems, schooling and had evolved different attitudes and loyalties. Who to back - Pilsudski's Warsaw government or Dmowski's National Committee based in Paris and backed by the Popular Council of Poznan? Was Germany or Russia Poland's main threat in the future? What ideas to follow? What approach to take to have the nation restored?

A house divided against itself cannot stand. Factionalism is corrosive. It deteriorates into endless arguing, white anting occurs and the atmosphere is poisoned with fear, suspicion and distrust. Strongly held differences amongst powerful entities unwilling to compromise or work together have led to civil war and this was a distinct possibility in Poland at the time. Unfriendly foreign powers can exploit the disunity to their own advantage. Poland had suffered from foreign intrigue in the past and at the end of World War I it was in danger of becoming a pawn once more.

All these obstacles were overcome and on the 28th June, 1919, at the treaty of Versailles, Ignacy Jan Paderewski signed the document creating the new nation of Poland. How did it happen?

Though not alone in overcoming these obstacles, he alone was the irreplaceable ingredient for it to end successfully. He had been affected by his father's deportation to Siberia due to involvement in the 1863 uprising, so patriotism became part of Paderewski's formative years. Later in his life he often recounted that as a ten year old, after reading about Grunwald he dreamt of building a monument to commemorate this victory. His motto became ‘the motherland first, art second'.

From 1891 Paderewski became another of the emigre Polish elite. Authors, poets, scientists, artist, performers in one way or another kept the concept of Poland alive in the West. For Paderewski, Poland - a free and independent Poland - was his passion. Music was his instrument in expressing this vision, but he sensed that to fulfill his patriotic ambitions he had to find a way to more directly impact the West's Polish consciousness, so he honed his oratory skills, spending countless hours in the formal study of English and French.

Cast of Paderewski's hand

Buckingham Hotel - reading Paderewski's plaque

The plaque on the Buckingham Hotel

In 1910, Ignacy Jan had sufficient wealth to realise his 1870 dream and he paid for the design (Antoni Wiwulski) and construction of the Jagiello monument to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the Polish victory over the Teutonic knights at Grunwald in 1410. Media from around the world were present at the unveiling ceremony at Krakow, on 15th July, attended by about 160 000 people. Everyone was stunned by Paderewski's speech. He had long been an interesting and witty conversationalist but now he was developing into a brilliant orator whose clarity, detail, depth of knowledge and use of imagery was able to persuade, inspire and stir people's emotions

A phenomenon was born. Virtuoso performer and raconteur extraordinaire, charming and garrulous with a deep understanding of politics, contemporary issues and history, especially Polish history. He was a household name, a media personality and close friend to leading statesmen, politicians and other dignitaries of Britain, France, Germany and America. His combination of talents and contacts was unique and he harnessed it all to his dynamic indefatigable energy and resilience in the service of his passion - Polish independence.

World War I was devastating to Polish communities. The occupiers conscripted young Polish men into their armies and it is horrendous to imagine the anguish these soldiers experienced each time they took aim, wondering who was at the other end of the gun sight. Henry Sienkiewicz poignantly observed:

"Conquered and partitioned she [Poland] is not one of the belligerent nations, and yet a million and a half of her sons are fighting fratricidal battles in the armies of these different warring states. . . . . When the Red Cross go out to collect the wounded from the battlefield they lift from a heap on man in German uniform, another in Austrian and a third in Russian, and discover they are all - Poles." Quoted in Phillips, Charles. 1933. Paderewski: The Story of a Modern Immortal. NY: MacMillan, P306.

In 1914 Ignacy Jan quit performing concerts for personal gain and dedicated his time, talent and treasure criss crossing America, giving speeches and performances, charging top dollar to overflowing audiences at more than 300 concerts over two years. He combined the box office proceeds with his own considerable fortune to finance the Polish Relief Fund. Paderewski also provided generous humanitarian assistance to European and American war widows, orphans, refugees countless other charities and money was used for recruiting, training and clothing army volunteers that would form part of Haller's Blue Army.

"For the majority of American citizens the name Poland became synonymous with the name Paderewski. Never before in the history of America was the name of Poland so widely known as it now became through the efforts of Paderewski. Simultaneously Paderewski was spending his vast fortune on numberless charities. They were generally connected with Polish sufferings and with political preparation for Polish independence; but he gave large sums also to a number of foreign charities, mainly connected with the sufferings inflicted by the war upon citizens of the Allied nations." Landau, Rom. 1934. Paderewski. London: Ivor Nicholson and Watson. P111.

The close personal friendship Paderewski had developed with Wilson and Wilson's long time personal advisor and confidante, Colonel Edward Mandell House, would prove decisive in the re-establishment of Poland as a sovereign State. Having learned of Poland's dire needs, American President, Woodrow Wilson, made January 1st, 1916, a day for giving help to alleviate the suffering of the Polish people ravaged by the war.

American Czestochowa, Paderewski's Tombstone

Golden Quill - Poland Reborn

Arlington Cemetery

On the 22nd of February, 1916, Paderewski was invited to a dinner party at the White House at which he gave a recital to President Wilson and the other guests. At the end of the evening he had another deep discussion with Wilson about the fate of Poland. His close friendship with the House family was particularly important. They had many conversations about Poland, and they conjectured about boundaries as they studied various historical maps of Europe.

Wilson invited Paderewski to his home on November 7th, 1916, to thank him for the support he had given to help him win a second term as President. Wilson and Paderewski had a long discussion and at its conclusion Wilson stated:

"My dear Paderewski, I can tell you that Poland will be resurrected and will exist again."

On January 8th, 1917, Colonel House asked Paderewski to prepare a detailed memorandum regarding the Polish question which would help him advise President Wilson about a media announcement he was planning to make. Just two weeks later, Wilson statement to the world press included the line that:

"Statesmen everywhere are agreed there should be a united, independent and autonomous Poland."

Nearly a year later, on January 8th, 1918, Wilson proclaimed his 14 point peace plan to end World War I, the thirteenth point echoed Paderewski's thoughts:

"An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant."

Independence on Polish terms, not through a German or Russian lens. On the 11th of November 1918 Herbert Hoover stated that:

"Fortified by President Wilson's assurances, the Polish people raised the banner of independence immediately after the Armistice." Hoover, Herbert. 1951. Memoirs of Herbert Hoover. NY: Macmillan. P355

Jozef Pilsudski's announcement of Polish independence at this time did not guarantee Polish sovereignty and no international recognition of it had been forthcoming. Pilsudski in fact was viewed as the biggest obstacle to it, even by countries sympathetic to the idea of Polish independence. He was perceived by some as a Bolshevik and by others as a puppet of the Germans. However, no nation viewed him as a plausible supporter of Parliamentary Democracy. The problem was that the international powers understood that the Polish army was his power base and it was loyal to him. A unilateral proclamation of independence, even if backed by a cohesive, loyal but poorly armed military, a military dependent on foreign equipment, does not rewrite the maps of Europe. For instance, at the end of World War II, Poland had the fourth most powerful military force in the world but without political allies at Potsdam, despite what Poland had contributed to Allied victory, she was betrayed to Russian dominance.

Pilsudski had to be made aware that he was seen as an obstacle. Herbert Hoover in his memoirs noted that Pilsudski, though he would remain in charge of defence forces, was persuaded to accept a ceremonial position and defer executive power to Paderewski. Hoover recounts:

"Not only did Paderewski hold the imagination of all the people, but he was a man of superlative integrity, deeply imbued with democratic ideals. Dr. Kellogg asked that he be authorized to inform Pilsudski that unless this was done American co-operation and aid were futile. I did so and got the hint reinforced from President Wilson. As a result, Pilsudski was elevated to the position of ‘Chief of State,' and Paderewski became Prime Minister on January 16th." Hoover, Herbert. 1951. Memoirs of Herbert Hoover. NY: Macmillan. Pp 356-357

Appomattox Court House

Arlington Cemetery. Paderewski Main Memorial

Paderewski crypt at St John's, Warsaw, by Cezary Piwowarski

Even with this development, Poland's fate had yet to be decided at the Versailles peace conference where the big four powers, Britain, France, Italy and America, together with the other nations would fashion the new world order. Poland's fate was in serious jeopardy due to its lack of unity. Prince Eustachy Sapieha had already staged a coup that Pilsudski had easily crushed, but faction fighting had continued, a civil war was still possible, and Poland was losing allied support. The British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, was very anti Polish and pro German.

Paderewski did what many foreigners thought impossible - he orchestrated political harmony from what only a short time before was a disunited cacophony of jostling protagonists!

"[Paderewski] was the one man needed by Poland at that critical hour to seal the guarantee of her restoration and begin the building of her superstructure as a State on the foundations laid by his brother patriots . . . . . .

These were stirring days in Poland. The air was electrical with urgency. There was, as I have said, factionalism, sectionalism, division, dissension on every side, for the harvest of division is dissension. Paderewski had to face all this, oppose it, reason with it, struggle night and day against it, laboring as perhaps no leader of a nation ever before has had to labor to save his country ..... But he had the vision, and he had the gift of ordered action and the power to lead others to see that vision and to act.

He did it." Phillips, Charles. 1933. Paderewski: The Story of a Modern Immortal. NY: MacMillan, Pp 6-7.

Paderewski was Poland's delegate to the Versailles Peace Conference and he performed brilliantly. He spoke without the aid of notes giving speeches first in English, and repeating them in French with no loss of impact or verve. More importantly, he understood the viewpoints of other participants who, themselves, were unable to look outside of their nation's self interest. Aware of his empathy for the French point of view, Clemenceau would ask Paderewski to communicate their viewpoint to the Americans or English; Wilson did the same to get the American perspective across. Colonel House perceived that:

"Never before in the history of the world were there such a variety of questions of so complex and disturbing character to be solved - questions affecting the hopes, fears, the ambitions of so great a part of mankind. The conference became as a fiery a furnace, and few survived its cruel and relentless flames.. . . . Of these few I should place Paderewski first. He came to Paris in the minds of many as an incongruous figure, whose place was on the concert stage, and not as one to be reckoned with in the settlement of a torn and distracted world. He left Paris in the minds of his colleagues, a statesman, an incomparable orator, a linguist, and one who had the history of his Europe better in hand than any of his brilliant associates." Quoted from Phillips, Charles. 1933. Paderewski: The Story of a Modern Immortal. NY: MacMillan, Pp 404-405.

As a player in politics and diplomacy, Paderewski had to overcome a prejudiced view of himself as a ‘token' negotiator. What could a musician with no diplomatic experience possibly understand or achieve? Robert Lansing American Secretary of State, admitted:

"My original impression was not one of a complimentary nature in view of the task which he had undertaken in behalf of his country. It was due undoubtedly to the fact that he was a great pianist, the greatest, I believe, of his generation. .. .

. . My second impression - and it is the impression I still hold - was that Ignace Paderewski was a greater statesman than he was a musician. . . ." Lansing, Robert. 1921. Portraits of The Big Four of the Peace Conference. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Pp 200-204

Ignacy Jan eventually persuaded Lloyd George to become sympathetic to the Polish cause and he was also able to come to an agreement with the German parties to accept arrangements about Poland's western borders. Finally, on the 28th June, 1919, the Versailles Treaty was signed declaring the sovereignty of Poland - Paderewski signed on behalf of the Polish people with a golden quill pen and this pen is on display at the Polish Museum of America in Chicago.

Between his inauguration as Prime Minister, on the 16th of January, 1919, to his resignation in the same year on the 4th of December, Paderewski had kept Poland together and helped it recover from its most tragic circumstances.. He was not alone. He was especially grateful for the humanitarian assistance provided by his old acquaintance, Herbert Hoover. This is how Hoover described conditions in newly independent Poland:

"Here were about 28,000,000 people who had for four years been ravished by four separate invasions during this one war, where battles and retreating armies had destroyed and destroyed again. In parts here had been seven invasions and seven destructive retreats. Many hundreds of thousands had died of starvation. The homes of millions had been destroyed and the people in those areas were living in hovels. Their agricultural implements were depleted, their animals had been taken by armies, their crops had been only partly planted and even then only partly harvested. Industry in the cities was dead from lack of raw materials. The people were unemployed and millions were destitute. They had been flooded with rubles and kronen, all of which were now valueless. The railroads were barely functioning. The cities were almost without food; typhus and diseases raged over whole provinces. Rats, lice, famine, pestilence - yet they were determined to build a nation." Hoover, Herbert. 1951. Memoirs of Herbert Hoover. NY: Macmillan P356

Ignacy Jan's time as Prime Minister proved to be most disheartening. Constant sniping and expressions of dissatisfaction; blame for what was perceived as shortcomings of the Treaty of Versailles, about Gdansk, upper Silesia; about lack of progress or immediate action; accusations that he and his wife were angling to become king and queen of Poland; accusations that he was anti-Semitic - he was blamed for anything and everything so as to undermine his Prime Ministership. The spectre of the power hungry Pilsudski was a constant presence.

Pilsudski considered himself a ‘strong man' and he believed that in Poland's present state, at this point in time, it wasn't ready for Parliamentary democracy. It was in need of a benevolent military dictator as a type of philosopher king who could govern Poland in its best interests. He was a dark, divisive force, lurking malevolently in the background, waiting for an opportunity to take over.

Paderewski continued in public service as Poland's ambassador to the League of Nations. In 1922 he retired from all political life and resumed his concert career. At the ripe age of 62, an age at which other great pianists were already long retired, he thrilled a new generation of audiences around the world with his charisma and his virtuoso performances. He was a sensation again! His previous fortune had been donated for humanitarian aid and for the re-establishment of Poland. He now began to amass a second fortune and it too would be used to fund various charities and humanitarian causes.

When Germany invaded Poland in 1939, Paderewski, ill and almost 79, came to her assistance once more. He became head of the Polish National Council, the Polish Parliament in exile in London, and he re-established the Polish relief fund, raising money through concerts across America.

Audio archives. Paderewski's response to the WW2 invasion of Poland. Time 39 sec.

Paderewski died on June 29th, 1941, at his official American residence at the Buckingham Hotel, 101 W 57th Street New York, just across from Carnegie Hall, where he had given his inaugural American recital at the time of the Hall's opening in 1891. A commemorative plaque was unveiled 100 years later and can be viewed at the front of the Hotel. All contents and furnishings of his rooms were donated by his sister, Antonina Wilkonska, to the Polish Museum of America, in Chicago, forming part of its newly renovated Paderewski room exhibit.

A funeral mass was held at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York, before 4,500 mourners with 35,000 outside unable to enter. He was buried at Arlington Cemetery, America's National Cemetery, in the crypt surrounding the Maine Memorial. Franklin Delano Roosevelt directed that his body was to remain there until Poland was again free and only then would he be returned to Poland. As he was dying, Paderewski told his sister that he wanted his heart to remain forever in America. It rests now at American Czestochowa, at Doylestown, Pennsylvania, a suburb of Philadelphia, in a crypt created by sculptor, Andrzej Pitynski.

Buckingham Hotel

Saratoga Kosciuszko Memorial Mem

Saratoga Memoria

In 1981, General Edward Rowny, of Polish heritage, who was President Reagan's chief arms control negotiator with the Soviets, convinced President Reagan to commemorate the 40th anniversary of Paderewski's death with a ceremony at Arlington Cemetery. In his speech Reagan presciently stated that the Berlin Wall would be torn down and that when that happened, Paderewski would be re-buried in Poland. General Rowney followed through on these promises and on June 29th, 1992, when President George Herbert Walker Bush officially transferred Paderewski's body to President Lech Walesa at a ceremony at Zamek Krolewski in Warsaw. Ignacy Jan now rests in peace in a crypt at St John's Basilica in Warsaw's Old Town. General Rowney was presented with the American flag which draped the casket and he donated this flag to the

Paderewski's wax figure, Kosciuszko Mound

Polish Museum of America, in Chicago.

In conversations I have had with acquaintances who have migrated to Australia from Poland, and from others like myself who were born in Australia to parents who migrated here, nearly all attribute Pilsudski as the resurrector of Poland and they know little of the decisive role Paderewski played. To assess the truth about Paderewski's role in the restoration of Poland it is worthwhile to read books and articles written about him, by people directly involved with him in the decision making at Versailles, those in the inner most circle of the ‘Big Four' powers. I particularly recommend Charles Phillips' Paderewski: The Story of a Modern Immortal as an illuminating work and a must read for anyone curious about Poland's rebirth. It would be sad to see Paderewski become immortal no more because of a lack of interest or neglect.

I am an Australian proud of my Polish heritage and on the 150th anniversary of Paderewski's death from the depths of my heart, ‘I dips me lid' to him for being a champion of liberty and the father of Poland reborn.

Felix Molski

PS. Paderewski performed in Melbourne in 1927 and Time Magazine gives an interesting report on how Paderewski refused to be dictated to by a Government official.

Read the story in Time Magazine